The Arab League was founded in 1945 with the vision of promoting political, economic and cultural co-operation between the 22 Arab nations of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). The League emerged after the Second World War, a period characterised by the rise of Arab nationalism, and aimed to unite Arab states in addressing common problems, with a particular focus on the Arab-Israeli conflict (Toffolo, 2008). Over the decades, however, the role and influence of the Arab League has changed considerably as it has had to deal with the complex geopolitical realities of today.

While the Arab League has made a significant contribution to conflict mediation, economic integration and cultural development, it faces significant challenges if it is to maintain its relevance and effectiveness. Internal divisions, external pressures and institutional constraints continue to hamper the League’s ability to act decisively in a rapidly changing region. However, with the right reforms and a renewed focus on cooperation, the Arab League has the potential to remain an important platform for dialogue and progress in the MENA region.

The following sections look at the League’s political influence, its conflict mediation efforts and its economic and social initiatives. At the same time, the challenges facing the League and the potential for reform are analysed in order to ensure its continued relevance in the 21st century.

Political Influence and Conflict Mediation

In recent years, the political influence of the Arab League has been increasingly tested by the growing fragmentation of the Arab world. The increase in internal conflicts, sectarian violence and the involvement of external powers have made consensus-building within the League more difficult. Nevertheless, the League has continued to play a role in conflict mediation, albeit with varying degrees of success.

1. The league´s Mediation in Lebanon Civil War

The Arab League played a significant role in mediating Lebanon’s civil war (1975-1990), especially through its involvement in the Taif Agreement of 1989, which ultimately ended the conflict. The League, in collaboration with Saudi Arabia, Syria, and other key Arab states, was instrumental in brokering peace by proposing a power-sharing arrangement that addressed Lebanon’s complex sectarian divisions. This arrangement evolved from Lebanon’s National Pact of 1943, which had institutionalized confessional politics, concentrating power in the hands of Christian Maronites while underrepresenting the Muslim population (Krayem, 1997).

During the conflict, the Arab League deployed the Arab Deterrent Force, consisting mainly of Syrian troops, to stabilize the country. Despite Syrian dominance, the League’s mediation efforts culminated in the Taif Agreement, which amended the Lebanese constitution, balancing political power more equally between Muslims and Christians and increasing parliamentary seats to reflect Lebanon’s demographic changes (Zahar, 2005). The agreement reduced the power of the president (Maronite Christian) while strengthened the roles of the prime minister (Sunni Muslim) and the speaker of parliament (Shi’a Muslim) (Salem, 2014).

While the Taif Agreement successfully ended the civil war, it also legitimised Syria’s military presence, which remained in Lebanon until 2005. This presence, which was initially seen as stabilising, later became a point of contention, especially after the assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri (Morgan, 2009). The Arab League’s mediation in Lebanon is therefore considered one of its most significant interventions, balancing regional powers and sectarian tensions to bring peace, albeit not without ongoing complications.

2. The Syrian conflict:

Building on its experience in Lebanon, the Arab League attempted to apply a similar approach to conflict resolution in Syria, albeit under completely different circumstances. However, while its mediation in Lebanon had led to a breakthrough, the complexities of the Syrian crisis would soon reveal the limits of the League’s traditional conflict resolution strategies.

The Arab League’s involvement in the Syrian conflict began cautiously in 2011 when it condemned the Assad regime’s crackdown on protesters (Küçükkeleş, 2012). Initially, the League aimed to mediate between the Syrian government and opposition forces, but its efforts were hampered by internal divisions and differing agendas among member states. Member states, like Qatar and Saudi Arabia, pushed for strong action against Assad, while others, like Algeria, favored non-interference, citing the Arab League’s principles. This has reflected the League´s struggle to balance various political priorities (Bellamy, 2022).

Despite these challenges, the League made significant attempts to address the crisis through the Arab Action Plan, which called for an end to violence and the establishment of a national unity government (Bellamy, 2022). In December 2011, the League deployed an observer mission to monitor the ceasefire, but this initiative faced credibility issues due to the background of the mission’s leader and difficulties in enforcing compliance (Küçükkeleş, 2012). Ultimately, the mission was unable to stop the violence, leading the League to suspend Syria’s membership and hand over mediation efforts to the United Nations in early 2012 (Zartman, 2019).

While the Arab League’s intervention marked an important regional response, it was limited by internal disunity and external pressures, ultimately reflecting the challenges regional organisations face in complex conflicts like Syria`s (Lundgren, 2016). The League’s involvement highlighted its initial attempts at conflict resolution, though its limitations became apparent as the crisis deepened (Bellamy, 2022).

Economic and Social Initiatives

In addition to its political interventions, the Arab League has also played an important role in promoting the economic integration and social development of its member states. These efforts are crucial in addressing the enormous socio-economic challenges that the region has faced, especially after the Arab Spring.

1. Economic Integration:

The Arab League has placed a strong emphasis on fostering economic ties among its members, most notably through the establishment of the Greater Arab Free Trade Area (GAFTA) in 1997. GAFTA was designed to eliminate tariffs and other trade barriers to encourage greater intra-Arab commerce (Abedini & Péridy, 2008). Despite these intentions, the effectiveness of GAFTA has been uneven, largely due to regional political instability, varying levels of economic development, and competition among member states (Husain, 2019). Countries within the League face divergent economic structures and priorities, which complicates uniform progress toward economic integration (ibid). Nonetheless, the Arab League continues to advocate for cooperation in critical areas like infrastructure development, energy sustainability, and the digital economy, recognizing that stronger economic ties are essential for the long-term stability and prosperity of the region.

2. Cultural and Educational Initiatives:

 In addition to its economic and humanitarian roles, the Arab League has made notable contributions to cultural and educational development across the region. It has supported various programs aimed at preserving Arab cultural heritage, promoting Arabic language education, and advancing scientific research (AlESCO, 2024). These initiatives are particularly important in fostering a shared sense of Arab identity, which is crucial in a region marked by significant political and sectarian divides. The League’s commitment to education and research also aims to address some of the root causes of socioeconomic instability, such as unemployment and insufficient access to quality education. By investing in cultural and intellectual development, the Arab League seeks to equip future generations with the tools necessary to drive the region’s progress (ALESCO, 2024).

Despite these efforts, the Arab League faces considerable challenges in achieving its goals in the areas of economic integration, humanitarian aid and social development. Political fragmentation, external interference and economic inequalities between member states continue to hinder progress. However, the League remains a central platform for dialogue and cooperation and provides a framework in which the region’s most pressing problems can be tackled together.

Challenges and Limitations

The Arab League faces several challenges that undermine its ability to act effectively as a unified force in the complex geopolitical landscape of the MENA region.

1. Internal Divisions:

The diverse political systems and competing ideologies within the Arab League are significant barriers to unity (Youssef, 2014). Member states range from monarchies and authoritarian regimes to more republican and democratic governments, each with different national priorities. This diversity, combined with the sectarian split between Sunni-majority and Shia-majority nations, often causes deep rifts within the organisation (ibid). For instance, the rivalry between Sunni-majority Saudi Arabia and Shia-majority Iran (although Iran is not an Arab League member) has a profound impact on the League’s operations. This rivalry particularly plays out in proxy conflicts like those in Syria and Yemen, where Arab League members are often divided on their stances (Bellamy, 2022). Some countries align with Saudi Arabia, while others, like Iraq and Syria, lean toward a more neutral or pro-Iranian stance.

2. Influence of External Powers:

Global powers like the United States, Russia, and China have a significant influence on the politics of the MENA region, often sidelining the Arab League’s efforts. For example, Russia’s military involvement in Syria and the U.S.’s close relations with Gulf states like Saudi Arabia and the UAE illustrate how external powers tend to engage directly with individual Arab nations rather than through the League (Rabinovich & Valensi, 2022). This dynamic weakens the League’s ability to mediate conflicts or present a unified stance on international issues (Bellamy, 2022). Furthermore, external powers sometimes exploit divisions within the League, aligning with specific states to pursue their own geopolitical interests, which further fragments the organisation’s effectiveness (ibid).

3. Institutional Weakness:

The Arab League’s institutional structure often hinders its capacity to respond effectively to crises. Decisions in the League are made based on consensus, which means that any single member can effectively block action. This need for unanimous agreement frequently results in stalemate or inaction, particularly in situations that require urgent intervention. Additionally, the League lacks strong enforcement mechanisms to ensure compliance with its resolutions, which diminishes its ability to influence the behaviour of its member states (Youssef, 2013). For instance, during the Syrian conflict, the Arab League’s resolutions lacked the necessary force to compel the Assad regime to negotiate, largely because member states did not agree on the course of action or were unable to enforce penalties (Bellamy, 2012).

The Future of the Arab League

Despite its challenges, the Arab League continues to have a symbolic importance as a forum for Arab states to come together and discuss common issues. In an increasingly multipolar world, where both regional and global powers are reshaping the Middle East and North Africa, the League has the potential to serve as a platform for dialogue and coordination between Arab nations.

For the Arab League to maintain its relevance in the changing geopolitical landscape of the MENA region, it must undergo several key reforms. The challenges faced by the League in recent years, including its difficulties in mediating conflicts like those in Syria and Yemen, highlight the necessity for institutional and strategic adjustments to ensure it can respond more effectively to the region’s evolving dynamics.

1. Institutional Reforms:

One of the most critical areas requiring reform is the League’s decision-making structure. The current system, which relies heavily on consensus, often paralyzes the organization, particularly in urgent situations where swift action is needed (Bellamy, 2022). Moving toward a more flexible decision-making process, such as allowing a supermajority for certain decisions, could empower the League to act more decisively when there is strong regional support for an initiative, even if some members object (Chen & Zhao, 2009). This would help reduce the risk of deadlock due to one or two dissenting members blocking broader initiatives.

2. Reevaluating Priorities:

The Arab League also needs to rethink its priorities to better align them with the current needs of the region. For decades, the League’s focus has largely been on political issues such as the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and regional stability. In recent years, however, it has become clear that socio-economic challenges – including unemployment, food security and infrastructure development – are becoming increasingly important for the stability and growth of Arab states. A shift towards addressing these socio-economic challenges could help the League to promote long-term peace and stability, as these problems are often the cause of political unrest.

3. Pragmatic Approaches to Cooperation:

The Arab League must take a more pragmatic approach to reconciling national interests with regional co-operation. This includes recognising the different political systems and interests of its members while promoting cooperation towards common goals. The growing influence of the Gulf states, particularly Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar, presents both opportunities and challenges for the future direction of the League. These states, with considerable economic resources and growing diplomatic influence, will play a crucial role in shaping the League’s agenda. For example, their leadership in regional economic integration and infrastructure development initiatives could help drive broader co-operation, even if there are political differences.

Conclusion

The Arab League has long played a crucial role in the political and socio-economic dynamics of the MENA region. From its foundation in 1945 with the goal of uniting Arab nations, the League has been central to conflict mediation, as demonstrated by its involvement in Lebanon and Syria. Despite its notable successes, the League’s limitations have also become evident. Internal divisions, the influence of external powers, and institutional weaknesses have frequently hampered its ability to act as a unified force.

To remain relevant in an increasingly complex geopolitical landscape, the Arab League must undergo significant reform. These reforms should address its decision-making structure, allowing for more decisive action, and reprioritize its focus on the socio-economic challenges that now play a pivotal role in regional stability. The rising influence of Gulf states within the League presents both an opportunity and a challenge, as their economic power could drive regional development, but also risks deepening divisions. Ultimately, the League’s ability to adapt to these changes will determine its future role as a platform for cooperation and progress in the Arab world.